Book Review: Hein G. Kiessling: ISI und R&AW – Die Geheimdienste Pakistans und Indiens

Kiessling, Hein G.: ISI und R&AW – Die Geheimdienste Pakistans und Indiens. Konkurrierende Atommächte, ihre Politik und der internationale Terrorismus. Verlag Dr. Köster, Berlin , 2011, 420 p., €29.80, ISBN 978-3-89574-770-0.

Two weeks ago, Hein Kiessling, a political scientist who has lived and worked for a German political foundation in Balochistan and Pakistan from 1989 till 2002, presented his most eagerly anticipated book to the public at an event organized by the Gesprächskreis Nachrichtendienste in Deutschland and the German Council on Foreign Relations in Berlin.

For the first time in the German-speaking world, Dr Kiessling is delivering a comprehensive and insightful history of the structure, organizational culture and geopolitical entanglements of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and India’s Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW). It spans from the modest beginnings of both organizations (with the ISI having been established in 1948, and the RA&W in 1968) until today, while the postscript even briefly refers to the May 2nd killing of Osama bin Laden by US troops in Abbottabad, Pakistan. Arguing that there is “no ISI within the ISI”, the author implies that there must have been some Pakistani knowledge of ObL’s whereabouts and coordination with US authorities before the raid.

Touching a broad spectrum of issues, such as nuclear proliferation, the relations with and infiltration by other intelligence services (most notably ISI-CIA and, during the Cold War, R&AW-KGB), the lack of parliamentary oversight and accountability as well as the 2008 Mumbai attacks, Kiessling excels at presenting obsessive detail with profound analysis. Particularly, he manages to link the developments in intelligence up with the – for a Western reader oftentimes confusing – political seesaw of Pakistan and India, carving out the services’ role as both subordinate instruments and independent epicenters of actual power.

It is telling that Kiessling’s book can actually be read as two rather uneven and separate accounts, with Pakistan’s ISI occupying some 275 pages, whereas India’s R&AW is only filling 100 pages of the whole volume. This is, of course, not least due to the ISI de facto also operating as a domestic intelligence service as opposed to the R&AW. Clearly, the author draws heavily on his personal experience and extensive contacts in the region and, thus, is thoroughly meeting the current concerns voiced by politics, media and the public to shed light on namely the ISI’s dubious design and role. He also remarks that in 2007 and 2008, two major books on the R&AW have been published by high-profile experts (B. Raman and R.S.N. Singh) in India. On the other hand, the Pakistani Defence Journal and other kindred think tanks, he adds, have contributed their share to make the R&AW’s allegedly hostile influence public. At the same time, India is not tiring in its attempt to explain to the world the dodgy mindset of Pakistani intelligence which has directly or indirectly been blamed for almost every major threat to Indian national security over the last decades.

While it would have been helpful for the reader to find the rather thin bibliography annotated by the undoubtedly very well-informed author, taking explicitly into account the quite obviously problematic source material situation, other appendices seem to have been copied in English without even referring to sources (they’re probably partly taken from FAS) – and without further informational need – at all. Also, adding photographs of the author’s family to the attached collection of mostly ISI VIP snapshots is somewhat incomprehensible.

Yet apart from those minor flaws, Kiessling’s book is both – as the subtitle suggests – ambitious (its table of contents can be found here) and instructive, and it surely deserves becoming a must-read for anyone interested in both services’ history, structure, mission and involvement in the IND-PAK conflict for the time being. A slightly revised translation into English would therefore be highly desirable.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Basant in Vienna - The Austro-Pakistan Society organised a Basant Festival in Vienna on June 25, 2011

 

Participantsof all ages enjoy the kites,brought to Vienna from Pakistan

DDr.Claus Walter and his wife are welcomed by Mrs. Claudia Wachtel,President of  the Austrian-Pakistan Society

 DDr.Walter trying his luck with a kite...

 

 

 


 

 


 

 

 

Ahmed Rashid's ranking as one of the top foreign policy thinkers:

 

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/11/29/the_fp_top_100_global_thinkers?page=0,35

 


 

 

 

 

Fund Raising Campaign in Vienna (Schwedenplatz) for the victims of the Flood in Pakistan (16 October 2010)

The Fund raising campaign was accompanied by Pakistan music,distribution of Mango Lassi and Henna Painting.

On behalf of  Austro Pakistan Society, we would like to extend our appreciation to all members and friends of the Society for their support during the  fund raing campaign. Pictures of the activities are seen below.

We were able to collect as follows:

 

1) 16 October 2010, from 12.00 until 17.00 hours    € 1,204.82 (counted and verified by Dr. Posch & Ms. Wachtel)

2)  Donation from friends and family                            €   553.00

 

The total of € 1,757.82 has been transferred to Edhi Foundation by Mr.Afsar Rathor.

 

 

 


 

Daily Telegraph:  Pakistan floods - an emergency for the West  

Unless we act decisively, large parts of flood-stricken Pakistan will be taken over by the Taliban, writes Ahmed Rashid.

By Ahmed Rashid
Published: 12 Aug 2010

Pakistani flood survivors use a boat to ferry their belongings Photo: AFP

Pakistan's floods have not just devastated the lives of millions of people, they now present an unparalleled national security challenge for the country, the region and the international community. Lest anyone under-estimate the scale of the disaster, all four of Pakistan's wars with India combined did not cause such damage.

It has become clear this week that, unless major aid is forthcoming immediately and international diplomatic effort is applied to improving Pakistan's relations with India, social and ethnic tensions will rise and there will be food riots. Large parts of the country that are now cut off will be taken over by the Pakistani Taliban and affiliated extremist groups, and governance will collapse. The risk is that Pakistan will become what many have long predicted – a failed state with nuclear weapons, although we are a long way off from that yet.

The heavy rain and floods have devastated the poorest and least literate areas of the country, where extremists and separatist movements thrive. Central Punjab – the country's richest region, where incomes and literacy are double those of other areas – has escaped the disaster. The resentment felt towards Punjab by ethnic groups in the smaller provinces is thus likely to increase.

In Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa (KP), formerly the North Western Frontier Province, where both the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban are based, millions of people have lost their homes and are on the move – this just a few months after many of them had returned home after successful military offensives against militants in the Swat valley. Now every single bridge in the Swat valley has been destroyed and the roads washed away.

Across the province, hundreds of miles of electricity pylons and gas lines have been ripped out, power stations have been flooded, and at least half of the livestock and standing crops have been destroyed. All of this will dramatically loosen the state's control over outlying areas, in particular those bordering Afghanistan, which could be captured quickly by local Taliban.

The poverty-stricken plains of southern Punjab and northern Sind, another major recruitment centre for extremists, have also been drowned. Millions of acres of crops have been destroyed and villages washed away. Joblessness and helplessness will lead to more young men joining the militants, who are propagating the idea that the floods are God's wrath against the government.

In Balochistan, the country's poorest region, which is beset with a separatist insurgency as well as hosting Afghan Taliban bases, flash floods and heavy rain have destroyed infrastructure and the below-subsistence economy. Baloch separatists are already blaming the government for poor relief efforts and urging a stepped-up struggle for independence.

And the floods have not stopped the rampant violence in the country. The Pakistani Taliban continue to carry out suicide bombings and assassinations and have vowed to wipe out the Awami National Party which governs KP province. The Taliban are now threatening to prevent Pakistani non-governmental organisations from carrying out relief work, while allowing militant groups who have set up their own relief camps to expand. In Balochistan, separatist violence goes on, while in Karachi, inter-ethnic killings have continued, with more than 100 murders in the past four weeks.

More than 60,000 Pakistani troops, many of whom were recently fighting the Taliban in KP, and virtually the entire helicopter fleet of the army, are now involved in flood relief. For months to come the army is unlikely to be in a position even to hold the areas along the Afghan border that it has won back from the militants.

That means the war in Afghanistan is about to become even more bloody. US and Nato efforts to secure southern Afghanistan – and new US troop deployments expected this month in eastern Afghanistan – will be affected, as more militants come across the border. The Taliban see the floods as a huge opportunity for recruitment in Pakistan, rather than a disaster.

Moreover, the truly catastrophic long-term destruction is to infrastructure and communications, and that will badly affect any campaign by the Pakistan army against the Taliban for years to come. Terrorists who have used border regions for training and contact with al-Qaeda will find it even easier to do so with the collapse of governance.

With the chronic shortage of foodstuffs and the beginning of the fasting month of Ramadan, food prices have doubled or even tripled, which is likely to lead to acute social tensions. Vegetables are becoming scarce and the lack of livestock is already creating serious shortages of meat and milk for children.

So far, the international aid response, apart from American and British contributions, has been next to pathetic, something for which the US Special Envoy for the region, Richard Holbrooke, has publicly castigated America's allies. Britain has "earmarked", in the FCO's phrase, up to £31.3 million, while the US is providing some $71 million and has sent 19 heavy lift helicopters.

The proceeds of the Kerry-Lugar Bill, which sanctioned $1.5 billion a year for five years for development projects in the civilian sector in Pakistan, are now likely to be diverted to flood relief. It is helpful that such money is available, but vital development projects on which the money should have been spent will now be halted.

Donations from the European Union, Nato countries and especially the Islamic world have been negligible, prompting international aid organisations such as Oxfam to complain of the lack of response. The UN appeal for $459 million to cover immediate relief for the next 90 days is so far not even half fulfilled.

Once there is sufficient humanitarian relief, the most urgent need is for donors to deliver project assistance to rebuild bridges and restore power and roads, particularly in the strategic KP province. The government's ineffectiveness and lack of response so far has been much criticised, but the reality is that Pakistan's coffers are empty and the country is entirely dependent for economic survival on a long-term $11.3 billion loan from the IMF.

India has failed to respond to the crisis and there remains bitter animosity between the two countries, particularly because India blames the current uprising in Indian Kashmir on Pakistan – even though Indian commentators admit that it is more indigenous than Pakistan-instigated.

Help is needed for the two countries to sort out their acute differences over their common river systems, the building of new dams on both sides of the border and the need to allow Indian relief goods, as well as cheaper food and construction materials, to enter Pakistan easily. International agencies would find it much simpler and cheaper to buy such goods from India rather than shipping them in from further afield.

None of this is going to be possible unless there are international diplomatic efforts to get the two rivals to talk to one another. India should understand that it does not further its own national security to have a destitute Pakistan on its borders.

Finally, the crisis adds urgency to the need for the US and Nato to open talks with the Afghan Taliban. A huge influx of Pakistani Taliban into Afghanistan, recruiting thousands more fighters from flood-affected Pakistan as they go, would seriously undermine the Afghan government and Nato.

The floods are more than a natural disaster: they herald a potential regional catastrophe that has to be met with far more determination, generosity and diplomacy than the West has shown so far.

Ahmed Rashid's latest book is 'Descent into Chaos: the United States and the Failure of Nation Building in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Central Asia' (Viking). A revised edition of his best-selling 'Taliban' has been reissued by IB Tauris


 


 

High Award for Professor Bernd Michael Rode

Professor Dr.Bernd Michael Rode, Head of the Department of General, Inorganic and Theoretical   Chemistry, University of Innsbruck, has been awarded the Sitara-i- Quaid-i-Azam   for his merits in promoting co-operation of Unversities and facilitating education for Pakistani students in Austria. The investiture ceremony by Ambassador Dr.Khurshid Anwar took place on April 26 2010 in the Embassy of Pakistan in Vienna.

 

 

Professor Dr.Bernd Michae Rode


 A major natural disaster has affected the Hunza Valley in the North of Pakistan

 

Early this year(2010) a major natural disaster has hit the famous Hunza Valley in the Northern Areas of Pakistan.At  Hunza/Attabad a huge landslide destroyed many houses with much loss of life.The Karakoram Highway(KKH) was  buried and a huge dam was formed which blocked Hunza River.In the meantime a lake was formed which threatens  to inundate   the adjoining villages.

An Austrian visitor,Ms Evelyn Finsterl, together with a friend sent a sum of € 200,00 into the crisis area - alas only a drop on a hot stone...How can we help the victims?

Ms.Finsterl has contacted NACHBAR IN NOT in February, but unfortunately her appeal coincided with the earthquake in Haiti and the Media in Austria did not report on the catastrophe at all.

The Austro-Pakistan Society has been alerted.Who will take the initiative?

For information please consult the following links:

http://pamirtimes.net/2010/04/03/another-video-on-attabad-disaster-and-gojal-lake-formation/
 
http://pamirtimes.net/2010/04/06/pictory-latest-photographs-from-disaster-affected-areas-of-gojal-hunza/
 
http://pamirtimes.net/2010/02/10/landslide-blocks-hunza-river-water/
 
http://pamirtimes.net/2010/04/03/experts-fear-outburst-may-endanger-tarbela-dam/
 
http://pamirtimes.net/2010/03/27/landslide-lake-threatens-massive-floods-n-pakistan/
 
http://pamirtimes.net/2010/02/10/pictory-ayeenabad-then-and-now/
 
Es gibt auch genug Information auf youtube darüber.


 

   

 

AHMED RASHID ON THE RECENT US-PAKISTAN STRATEGIC  DIALOGUE

 

BBC NEWS. March 30, 2010.

 

US-Pakistan dialogue with a difference

Guest columnist Ahmed Rashid explains why last week's "strategic dialogue" between the US and Pakistan was a significant break with the two countries' troubled past.

When Pakistan's powerful army chief, Gen Ashfaq Kayani, and Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi got off the plane in Washington to conduct what was called the "strategic dialogue" with the US last week, they carried a 56-page shopping list asking for money, arms... and more money.

That has been the norm for US-Pakistan dialogues in the past 50 years of an on-off relationship. Meanwhile, the US has always urged Pakistan to fit into its own strategic plans, such as doing more to combat terrorism.

However, this time there was a difference.

The Pakistanis also carried a brief which frankly addressed Pakistan's strategic interests and security needs with regard to India, Afghanistan and sensitive issues like nuclear weapons and terrorism.

Transactional relationship

The US, rather than lecturing, wanted to listen, even if it could not comply with many of Pakistan's demands.

For the Pakistanis it was the chance to air all their pent-up grievances against Washington

For the Americans this was a welcome change from the subterfuge, lack of clarity and covert support for militant groups that Pakistan has engaged in in the past.

For the Pakistanis it was a chance to air all their pent-up grievances against Washington and demand to be given the same treatment as arch-rival India.

After 11 September, former Presidents George Bush and Pervez Musharraf carried out a largely transactional relationship. "I will give you an al-Qaeda operative in exchange for two F16 fighter bombers" - was what that boiled down to.

While Mr Musharraf hosted the Afghan Taliban and other extremist groups, as a hedge against Indian influence in Kashmir and Afghanistan, Mr Bush pretended to look the other way. Mr Bush conducted crisis management rather than real engagement.

President Barack Obama promised to put Pakistan on the top of his agenda. Now after 15 months of intense engagement, dozens of visits to Islamabad by American officials and unrelenting pressure, the Obama administration has finally got the Pakistanis to open up.

Now, said officials from both sides, everything was on the table.

That is important right now.

Even though Pakistan may be a crumbling state unable to provide its people with electricity, water, security or jobs, the army's bargaining power with the US has increased dramatically.

That is due to increases in its nuclear arsenal, its stepped-up fight against the Pakistani Taliban after years of dithering and its influence over the Afghan Taliban as the US and Nato prepare to start pulling out of Afghanistan next year.

At the end of two days of talks, Mr Qureshi said he was satisfied as both sides ''move from a relationship to a partnership'.' US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton shared his optimism.

However, the real dialogue was with Gen Kayani and the army which had prepared Pakistan's briefs, with no objections from Mr Qureshi or the civilian government.

The army tried and failed to make US acceptance of its major demands as pre-conditions for the success of the talks. The US insisted on discussing every issue and conceded little.

The US offered nothing new, but the most concrete results were reflected in a sector-by-sector dialogue by relevant ministries on each side, as to how the US can help rally Pakistan's faltering economy, lack of energy and improve its agriculture and infrastructure.

Key demand

The US is providing an annual $1.5bn aid package to Pakistan's civil sector for the next five years.

However, Pakistan will still not get improved US trade access for its textile exports - a key demand to revive its moribund industry and something that would be clearly more effective than just aid.

The military will quickly receive some $1bn in outstanding dues for fighting the war against militants, assured future funding and faster delivery of new weapons including helicopters, F16s and naval frigates.

The Americans rejected Pakistan's plea for a civil nuclear deal like the US concluded with India, partly because of Pakistan's past nuclear proliferation record, but also because Mr Obama could never sell such a deal to the US Congress.

However, this dialogue will continue under a newly formed Policy Steering Group.

The US heaped praise on the army's recent campaign against the Pakistani Taliban, but it was equally tough on the need for the army to abandon its 30-year-long reliance on extremist groups to carry out foreign policy objectives and covert operations against India in Kashmir and Afghanistan.

Pakistan has said it will not act against Lashkar-e-Toiba, the militant group accused of carrying out the Mumbai (Bombay) attacks in 2008 until relations with India markedly improve.

Lashkar was set up and managed by the army's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and India has refused to deal with Pakistan until it curbs the group.

Both the US and Nato now view the Lashkar as a global terrorist group, with cells in Europe and the US supporting the Taliban and al-Qaeda.

Major role

The group is accused of carrying out the February suicide attack in Kabul that killed nine Indians. David Headley, a US citizen, has admitted planning the Mumbai attacks and training at Lashkar bases in Pakistan.

To India's chagrin, the US has acknowledged that Pakistan has a major role to play in peace talks between Kabul and the Afghan Taliban and that India and Pakistan need to come to an understanding over their mutual competition in Afghanistan.

When Afghan President Hamid Karzai visited Islamabad in early March, he was bluntly told by the army that he would have to remove two Indian consulates in Afghanistan near the Pakistan border, before the army offered him help to talk to the Pakistan-based Afghan Taliban leaders.

For Pakistan, one measure of success of the talks is the degree to which they have rattled India.

India feels snubbed by the US because its officials have not been given access to David Headley. Delhi is opposed to any dominant Pakistani role in Afghanistan and is nervous about any US-Pakistan nuclear talks.

The US will now have to do some fence-mending with India.

However the complex triangular relationship between the US, Pakistan and India depends for success on the US getting the two enemies to talk turkey about their conflicts.

It also depends on getting the Pakistani army to undertake a real rather than an imagined strategic U-turn, because backing extremists of any hue to carry out foreign policy goals is no longer internationally acceptable.

Ahmed Rashid is the author of the best-selling book Taliban and, most recently, of Descent into Chaos: How the war against Islamic extremism is being lost in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Central Asia.

 

 

 

 

 

                                                                                                                     Photograph: cercle diplomatique

H.E.Ambassador Dr.Kurshid Anwar with new President of the Austro-Pakistan Socety Mrs.Claudia Wachtel

and former President Dr.Friedrich Posch


 

 

Dr.Khurshid Anwar - new Ambassador of Pakistan in Vienna

 

H.E. Dr.Khurshid Anwar,until recently Secretary General of ECO with headquarters in Teheran, has presented his credentials as new Ambassador of Pakistan to Austria an November 18, 2009.

The Austro-Pakistan Society extends its warm welcome!


 

 

 

Elections for a new Board were held  during a General  Assembly on

 November 4,2009.

                                                  Here are the results:

President: Mag.Claudia WACHTEL                                 

Vice Presidents: DI Reinhart SAMHABER                  

Mag.Afsar RATHOR

Treasurer

Dr.Sabine KRAUTSCHNEIDER

Secetary 

Doris LUSER-CHOUKER

Additional Member:

Mag.Hedwig MILLIAN

 

Snapshots from the General Assembly:

                           

The Palestinian singer and composer
Marwan Abado with the Out 
(oriental lute)
                                                                       Attentive audience...

 

 

                                                                  Farewell for the  outgoing Board...

 


 

Swat Valley Refugees Begin Journey Home

by Julie McCarthy

July 14, 2009

Listen to the Story

Morning Edition

[4 min 11 sec]

Photo Gallery Promo

Returning To Swat Valley

Children were among the 2 million people displaced by the Pakistan army’s offensive

Enlarge Junaid Khan for NPR

Children were among the 2 million people displaced by the Pakistan army's offensive against the Taliban in Swat Valley. These young residents of Jalozai camp crowd onto buses carrying their families for the trip home.

Children were among the 2 million people displaced by the Pakistan army’s offensive

Junaid Khan for NPR

Children were among the 2 million people displaced by the Pakistan army's offensive against the Taliban in Swat Valley. These young residents of Jalozai camp crowd onto buses carrying their families for the trip home.

A month’s ration of food

Enlarge Junaid Khan for NPR

A month's ration of food is distributed to every family in the Jalozai camp as they journey back to Swat Valley this week.

A month’s ration of food

Junaid Khan for NPR

A month's ration of food is distributed to every family in the Jalozai camp as they journey back to Swat Valley this week.

text sizeAAA

July 14, 2009

In Pakistan, the journey back home for hundreds of thousands of families who fled the army offensive against the Taliban has begun. In the first phase of the government's repatriation plan, only a fraction of the 2 million people displaced by the fighting in the Swat Valley and surrounding districts made the trip Monday.

In the early morning heat and dust of the Jalozai refugee camp, buses lined up to take the first group of 149 families back home. They were a trickle of the 4,000 families at the camp, most from the mountain- and stream-filled valley.

Nothing prepared them for this camp on a flat, baked spot of 100-plus-degree temperatures, a four-hour drive south of the Swat Valley. Overcome at the prospect of returning home, tears streaked the face of one woman. She told a reporter that modesty dictates that she be known simply as the sister of Shaukat Ali, her displaced brother.

"We are very happy to be going back," she said, her face expressing a mixture of grief and relief. "I have not spent a single contented day here. May God have mercy on these camp dwellers and guide them home. Life here is nothing but helplessness."

A Necessary Misery

The exodus from the Swat Valley was one of the biggest displacements of people in recent times. Millions fled their homes as government troops took on the Taliban in an offensive launched in late April. The turmoil laid bare government ineptitude.

But the army says its offensive has dislodged the Taliban. For all the misery it caused, Swat Valley returnee Juma Gul says the fighting was worth it.

"It was necessary because these terrorists weren't going to leave without a fight," he said. "They were on the march, slitting throats and beheading people. They were terrorizing the population, so the army had to come in to remove them."

But none of the Taliban's top leadership has been captured or killed in the offensive that the military says is in the mop-up stage.

Some Returnees Doubtful

As Burkht Sultan, a widow, prepared to board the bus back to Swat with her nine children, she said she is not convinced that the army has eliminated the militants. She is fatalistic.

"We have resigned ourselves to death in returning home. Whether we live or die, we have no other option," she said.

Sultan adjusted her white headscarf and noted with skepticism that returnees were given their food packages and fans this day only because government officials had come to visit. Under tight security, police frisked people boarding the buses and helicopters buzzed overhead.

But not everyone has been given their allotted food, or the promised cash assistance of 25,000 rupees, about $300. Without it, people are holding out.

A young bearded man named Anwar Ali sorted through them.

"You're not going if don't get anything, right? So, you are refusing?" he said to one man.

Ali sounded abrupt but passed no judgment on those who declined to return home without some cash. Residents are returning to a ravaged economy in Swat.

Akhtar Mohammad, 25, is a father of one and a refusenik.

"We can't trust them," he said. "If the government hasn't given us the resources here where the situation is normal, how can I expect them to give it to us in the middle of that confusion back home?"

Bittersweet Homecoming

Ashad Hussein recently visited his home in Swat to scout whether he could go back permanently. He will, but his trip provided a glimpse into the precarious security back home.

"The other day, the army was telling the police not to flee and to help normalize the situation," he said.

Fears of a security vacuum also have many adopting a wait-and-see attitude. For those who do go back, the homecoming is bittersweet.

While smiling children wave from the buses, their parents sit subdued. Two months in a sweltering camp contending with their upended lives has taken its toll. And the days ahead back home in Swat Valley are filled with uncertainty.

Junaid Kahn contributed to this report from Camp Jalozai.