Kiessling, Hein G.:
ISI und R&AW – Die Geheimdienste
Pakistans und Indiens. Konkurrierende Atommächte, ihre
Politik und der internationale Terrorismus. Verlag Dr.
Köster, Berlin , 2011, 420 p., €29.80, ISBN
978-3-89574-770-0.
Two weeks ago, Hein Kiessling, a
political scientist who has lived and worked for a German
political foundation in Balochistan and Pakistan from 1989
till 2002, presented his most eagerly anticipated book to
the public at an event organized by the
Gesprächskreis
Nachrichtendienste in Deutschland and the
German
Council on Foreign Relations in Berlin.
For the first time in the German-speaking world, Dr
Kiessling is delivering a comprehensive and insightful
history of the structure, organizational culture and
geopolitical entanglements of Pakistan’s Inter-Services
Intelligence (ISI) and India’s Research and Analysis Wing
(R&AW). It spans from the modest beginnings of both
organizations (with the ISI having been established in 1948,
and the RA&W in 1968) until today, while the postscript even
briefly refers to the May 2nd killing of Osama bin Laden by
US troops in Abbottabad, Pakistan. Arguing that there is “no
ISI within the ISI”, the author implies that there must have
been some Pakistani knowledge of ObL’s whereabouts and
coordination with US authorities before the raid.
Touching a broad spectrum of issues, such as nuclear
proliferation, the relations with and infiltration by other
intelligence services (most notably ISI-CIA and, during the
Cold War, R&AW-KGB), the lack of parliamentary oversight and
accountability as well as the 2008 Mumbai attacks, Kiessling
excels at presenting obsessive detail with profound
analysis. Particularly, he manages to link the developments
in intelligence up with the – for a Western reader
oftentimes confusing – political seesaw of Pakistan and
India, carving out the services’ role as both subordinate
instruments and independent epicenters of actual power.
It
is telling that Kiessling’s book can actually be read as two
rather uneven and separate accounts, with Pakistan’s ISI
occupying some 275 pages, whereas India’s R&AW is only
filling 100 pages of the whole volume. This is, of course,
not least due to the ISI de facto also operating as a
domestic intelligence service as opposed to the R&AW.
Clearly, the author draws heavily on his personal experience
and extensive contacts in the region and, thus, is
thoroughly meeting the current concerns voiced by politics,
media and the public to shed light on namely the ISI’s
dubious design and role. He also remarks that in 2007 and
2008, two major books on the R&AW have been published by
high-profile experts (B. Raman and R.S.N. Singh) in India.
On the other hand, the Pakistani Defence Journal
and other kindred think tanks, he adds, have contributed
their share to make the R&AW’s allegedly hostile influence
public. At the same time, India is not tiring in its attempt
to explain to the world the dodgy mindset of Pakistani
intelligence which has directly or indirectly been blamed
for almost every major threat to Indian national security
over the last decades.
While it would have been helpful for the reader to find
the rather thin bibliography annotated by the undoubtedly
very well-informed author, taking explicitly into account
the quite obviously problematic source material situation,
other appendices seem to have been copied in English without
even referring to sources (they’re probably partly taken
from
FAS) – and without further informational need – at all.
Also, adding photographs of the author’s family to the
attached collection of mostly ISI VIP snapshots is somewhat
incomprehensible.
Yet apart from those minor flaws, Kiessling’s book is
both – as the subtitle suggests – ambitious (its table of
contents can be found
here) and instructive, and it surely deserves becoming a
must-read for anyone interested in both services’ history,
structure, mission and involvement in the IND-PAK conflict
for the time being. A slightly revised translation into
English would therefore be highly desirable.
This was written by
Florian Schaurer. Posted on
Tuesday, July 12, 2011, at 08:22.
Basant in Vienna - The Austro-Pakistan Society organised a Basant Festival
in Vienna on June 25, 2011
Participantsof all ages enjoy the kites,brought
to Vienna from Pakistan
.JPG)
.JPG)
DDr.Claus Walter and his wife are welcomed by
Mrs. Claudia Wachtel,President of the Austrian-Pakistan Society
.JPG)
.JPG)
DDr.Walter trying his luck with a kite...
.JPG)
.JPG)
Ahmed Rashid's ranking as one of the top foreign policy thinkers:
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/11/29/the_fp_top_100_global_thinkers?page=0,35
Fund Raising Campaign in Vienna (Schwedenplatz) for the victims of the Flood
in Pakistan (16 October 2010)
The Fund raising campaign was accompanied
by Pakistan music,distribution of Mango Lassi and Henna Painting.
On behalf of Austro Pakistan
Society, we would like to extend our appreciation to all members
and friends of the Society for their support during the fund raing
campaign. Pictures of the activities are seen below.
We were able to collect as follows:
1) 16 October 2010, from 12.00 until 17.00
hours € 1,204.82 (counted and verified by Dr. Posch & Ms. Wachtel)
2) Donation from friends and
family € 553.00
The total of € 1,757.82
has been transferred to Edhi Foundation by Mr.Afsar Rathor.

Daily Telegraph: Pakistan floods - an emergency for the West
Unless we act decisively, large parts of flood-stricken
Pakistan will be taken over by the Taliban, writes Ahmed Rashid.
By Ahmed Rashid
Published: 12 Aug 2010
Pakistani flood survivors use a boat to ferry their belongings Photo: AFP
Pakistan's floods have not just devastated the lives of millions of
people, they now present an unparalleled national security challenge for the
country, the region and the international community. Lest anyone
under-estimate the scale of the disaster, all four of Pakistan's wars with
India combined did not cause such damage.
It has become clear this week that, unless major aid is forthcoming
immediately and international diplomatic effort is applied to improving
Pakistan's relations with India, social and ethnic tensions will rise and
there will be food riots. Large parts of the country that are now cut off
will be taken over by the Pakistani Taliban and affiliated extremist groups,
and governance will collapse. The risk is that Pakistan will become what
many have long predicted – a failed state with nuclear weapons, although we
are a long way off from that yet.
The heavy rain and floods have devastated the poorest and least literate
areas of the country, where extremists and separatist movements thrive.
Central Punjab – the country's richest region, where incomes and literacy
are double those of other areas – has escaped the disaster. The resentment
felt towards Punjab by ethnic groups in the smaller provinces is thus likely
to increase.
In Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa (KP), formerly the North Western Frontier
Province, where both the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban are based, millions of
people have lost their homes and are on the move – this just a few months
after many of them had returned home after successful military offensives
against militants in the Swat valley. Now every single bridge in the Swat
valley has been destroyed and the roads washed away.
Across the province, hundreds of miles of electricity pylons and gas
lines have been ripped out, power stations have been flooded, and at least
half of the livestock and standing crops have been destroyed. All of this
will dramatically loosen the state's control over outlying areas, in
particular those bordering Afghanistan, which could be captured quickly by
local Taliban.
The poverty-stricken plains of southern Punjab and northern Sind, another
major recruitment centre for extremists, have also been drowned. Millions of
acres of crops have been destroyed and villages washed away. Joblessness and
helplessness will lead to more young men joining the militants, who are
propagating the idea that the floods are God's wrath against the government.
In Balochistan, the country's poorest region, which is beset with a
separatist insurgency as well as hosting Afghan Taliban bases, flash floods
and heavy rain have destroyed infrastructure and the below-subsistence
economy. Baloch separatists are already blaming the government for poor
relief efforts and urging a stepped-up struggle for independence.
And the floods have not stopped the rampant violence in the country. The
Pakistani Taliban continue to carry out suicide bombings and assassinations
and have vowed to wipe out the Awami National Party which governs KP
province. The Taliban are now threatening to prevent Pakistani
non-governmental organisations from carrying out relief work, while allowing
militant groups who have set up their own relief camps to expand. In
Balochistan, separatist violence goes on, while in Karachi, inter-ethnic
killings have continued, with more than 100 murders in the past four weeks.
More than 60,000 Pakistani troops, many of whom were recently fighting
the Taliban in KP, and virtually the entire helicopter fleet of the army,
are now involved in flood relief. For months to come the army is unlikely to
be in a position even to hold the areas along the Afghan border that it has
won back from the militants.
That means the war in Afghanistan is about to become even more bloody. US
and Nato efforts to secure southern Afghanistan – and new US troop
deployments expected this month in eastern Afghanistan – will be affected,
as more militants come across the border. The Taliban see the floods as a
huge opportunity for recruitment in Pakistan, rather than a disaster.
Moreover, the truly catastrophic long-term destruction is to
infrastructure and communications, and that will badly affect any campaign
by the Pakistan army against the Taliban for years to come. Terrorists who
have used border regions for training and contact with al-Qaeda will find it
even easier to do so with the collapse of governance.
With the chronic shortage of foodstuffs and the beginning of the fasting
month of Ramadan, food prices have doubled or even tripled, which is likely
to lead to acute social tensions. Vegetables are becoming scarce and the
lack of livestock is already creating serious shortages of meat and milk for
children.
So far, the international aid response, apart from American and British
contributions, has been next to pathetic, something for which the US Special
Envoy for the region, Richard Holbrooke, has publicly castigated America's
allies. Britain has "earmarked", in the FCO's phrase, up to £31.3 million,
while the US is providing some $71 million and has sent 19 heavy lift
helicopters.
The proceeds of the Kerry-Lugar Bill, which sanctioned $1.5 billion a
year for five years for development projects in the civilian sector in
Pakistan, are now likely to be diverted to flood relief. It is helpful that
such money is available, but vital development projects on which the money
should have been spent will now be halted.
Donations from the European Union, Nato countries and especially the
Islamic world have been negligible, prompting international aid
organisations such as Oxfam to complain of the lack of response. The UN
appeal for $459 million to cover immediate relief for the next 90 days is so
far not even half fulfilled.
Once there is sufficient humanitarian relief, the most urgent need is for
donors to deliver project assistance to rebuild bridges and restore power
and roads, particularly in the strategic KP province. The government's
ineffectiveness and lack of response so far has been much criticised, but
the reality is that Pakistan's coffers are empty and the country is entirely
dependent for economic survival on a long-term $11.3 billion loan from the
IMF.
India has failed to respond to the crisis and there remains bitter
animosity between the two countries, particularly because India blames the
current uprising in Indian Kashmir on Pakistan – even though Indian
commentators admit that it is more indigenous than Pakistan-instigated.
Help is needed for the two countries to sort out their acute differences
over their common river systems, the building of new dams on both sides of
the border and the need to allow Indian relief goods, as well as cheaper
food and construction materials, to enter Pakistan easily. International
agencies would find it much simpler and cheaper to buy such goods from India
rather than shipping them in from further afield.
None of this is going to be possible unless there are international
diplomatic efforts to get the two rivals to talk to one another. India
should understand that it does not further its own national security to have
a destitute Pakistan on its borders.
Finally, the crisis adds urgency to the need for the US and Nato to open
talks with the Afghan Taliban. A huge influx of Pakistani Taliban into
Afghanistan, recruiting thousands more fighters from flood-affected Pakistan
as they go, would seriously undermine the Afghan government and Nato.
The floods are more than a natural disaster: they herald a potential
regional catastrophe that has to be met with far more determination,
generosity and diplomacy than the West has shown so far.
Ahmed Rashid's latest book is 'Descent into Chaos: the United States and
the Failure of Nation Building in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Central Asia'
(Viking). A revised edition of his best-selling 'Taliban' has been reissued
by IB Tauris
High
Award for Professor Bernd Michael Rode
Professor Dr.Bernd Michael Rode, Head of the
Department of General, Inorganic and Theoretical Chemistry, University of Innsbruck, has been
awarded the Sitara-i- Quaid-i-Azam for his merits in promoting
co-operation of Unversities and facilitating education
for Pakistani students in Austria. The investiture ceremony by Ambassador Dr.Khurshid Anwar took place on April 26 2010 in the Embassy of Pakistan in
Vienna.


Professor Dr.Bernd Michae Rode
A major
natural disaster has affected the Hunza Valley in the North of Pakistan
Early this year(2010) a
major natural disaster has hit the famous Hunza Valley in the Northern Areas of
Pakistan.At Hunza/Attabad a huge landslide destroyed many houses with much
loss of life.The Karakoram Highway(KKH) was buried and a huge dam was
formed which blocked Hunza River.In the meantime a lake was formed which
threatens to inundate the adjoining villages.
An Austrian visitor,Ms
Evelyn Finsterl, together with a friend sent a sum of € 200,00 into the crisis
area - alas only a drop on a hot stone...How can we help the victims?
Ms.Finsterl has contacted
NACHBAR IN NOT in February, but unfortunately her appeal coincided with the
earthquake in Haiti and the Media in Austria did not report on the catastrophe
at all.
The Austro-Pakistan
Society has been alerted.Who will take the initiative?
For information please
consult the following links:
http://pamirtimes.net/2010/04/03/another-video-on-attabad-disaster-and-gojal-lake-formation/
http://pamirtimes.net/2010/04/06/pictory-latest-photographs-from-disaster-affected-areas-of-gojal-hunza/
http://pamirtimes.net/2010/02/10/landslide-blocks-hunza-river-water/
http://pamirtimes.net/2010/04/03/experts-fear-outburst-may-endanger-tarbela-dam/
http://pamirtimes.net/2010/03/27/landslide-lake-threatens-massive-floods-n-pakistan/
http://pamirtimes.net/2010/02/10/pictory-ayeenabad-then-and-now/
Es gibt auch genug Information auf youtube darüber.
AHMED
RASHID ON THE RECENT US-PAKISTAN STRATEGIC
DIALOGUE
BBC
NEWS. March 30, 2010.
US-Pakistan
dialogue with a difference
Guest
columnist Ahmed Rashid explains why last week's "strategic dialogue"
between the US and Pakistan was a significant break with the two countries'
troubled past.
When Pakistan's powerful army chief, Gen Ashfaq Kayani, and Foreign
Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi got off the plane in Washington to conduct what
was called the "strategic dialogue" with the US last week, they
carried a 56-page shopping list asking for money, arms... and more money.
That has been the norm for US-Pakistan dialogues in the past 50 years of
an on-off relationship. Meanwhile, the US has always urged Pakistan to fit into
its own strategic plans, such as doing more to combat terrorism.
However, this time there was a difference.
The Pakistanis also carried a brief which frankly addressed Pakistan's
strategic interests and security needs with regard to India, Afghanistan and
sensitive issues like nuclear weapons and terrorism.
Transactional
relationship
The US, rather than lecturing, wanted to listen, even if it could not
comply with many of Pakistan's demands.
“
For the Pakistanis it was the chance to air all their pent-up grievances
against Washington ”
For the Americans this was a welcome change from the subterfuge, lack of
clarity and covert support for militant groups that Pakistan has engaged in in
the past.
For the Pakistanis it was a chance to air all their pent-up grievances
against Washington and demand to be given the same treatment as arch-rival India.
After 11 September, former Presidents George Bush and Pervez Musharraf
carried out a largely transactional relationship. "I will give you an
al-Qaeda operative in exchange for two F16 fighter bombers" - was what that
boiled down to.
While Mr Musharraf hosted the Afghan Taliban and other extremist groups,
as a hedge against Indian influence in Kashmir and Afghanistan, Mr Bush
pretended to look the other way. Mr Bush conducted crisis management rather than
real engagement.
President Barack Obama promised to put Pakistan on the top of his agenda.
Now after 15 months of intense engagement, dozens of visits to Islamabad by
American officials and unrelenting pressure, the Obama administration has
finally got the Pakistanis to open up.
Now, said officials from both sides, everything was on the table.
That is important right now.
Even though Pakistan may be a crumbling state unable to provide its
people with electricity, water, security or jobs, the army's bargaining power
with the US has increased dramatically.
That is due to increases in its nuclear arsenal, its stepped-up fight
against the Pakistani Taliban after years of dithering and its influence over
the Afghan Taliban as the US and Nato prepare to start pulling out of
Afghanistan next year.
At the end of two days of talks, Mr Qureshi said he was satisfied as both
sides ''move from a relationship to a partnership'.' US Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton shared his optimism.
However, the real dialogue was with Gen Kayani and the army which had
prepared Pakistan's briefs, with no objections from Mr Qureshi or the civilian
government.
The army tried and failed to make US acceptance of its major demands as
pre-conditions for the success of the talks. The US insisted on discussing every
issue and conceded little.
The US offered nothing new, but the most concrete results were reflected
in a sector-by-sector dialogue by relevant ministries on each side, as to how
the US can help rally Pakistan's faltering economy, lack of energy and improve
its agriculture and infrastructure.
Key
demand
The US is providing an annual $1.5bn aid package to Pakistan's civil
sector for the next five years.
However, Pakistan will still not get improved US trade access for its
textile exports - a key demand to revive its moribund industry and something
that would be clearly more effective than just aid.
The military will quickly receive some $1bn in outstanding dues for
fighting the war against militants, assured future funding and faster delivery
of new weapons including helicopters, F16s and naval frigates.
The Americans rejected Pakistan's plea for a civil nuclear deal like the
US concluded with India, partly because of Pakistan's past nuclear proliferation
record, but also because Mr Obama could never sell such a deal to the US
Congress.
However, this dialogue will continue under a newly formed Policy Steering
Group.
The US heaped praise on the army's recent campaign against the Pakistani
Taliban, but it was equally tough on the need for the army to abandon its
30-year-long reliance on extremist groups to carry out foreign policy objectives
and covert operations against India in Kashmir and Afghanistan.
Pakistan has said it will not act against Lashkar-e-Toiba, the militant
group accused of carrying out the Mumbai (Bombay) attacks in 2008 until
relations with India markedly improve.
Lashkar was set up and managed by the army's Inter-Services Intelligence
(ISI) and India has refused to deal with Pakistan until it curbs the group.
Both the US and Nato now view the Lashkar as a global terrorist group,
with cells in Europe and the US supporting the Taliban and al-Qaeda.
Major
role
The group is accused of carrying out the February suicide attack in Kabul
that killed nine Indians. David Headley, a US citizen, has admitted planning the
Mumbai attacks and training at Lashkar bases in Pakistan.
To India's chagrin, the US has acknowledged that Pakistan has a major
role to play in peace talks between Kabul and the Afghan Taliban and that India
and Pakistan need to come to an understanding over their mutual competition in
Afghanistan.
When Afghan President Hamid Karzai visited Islamabad in early March, he
was bluntly told by the army that he would have to remove two Indian consulates
in Afghanistan near the Pakistan border, before the army offered him help to
talk to the Pakistan-based Afghan Taliban leaders.
For Pakistan, one measure of success of the talks is the degree to which
they have rattled India.
India feels snubbed by the US because its officials have not been given
access to David Headley. Delhi is opposed to any dominant Pakistani role in
Afghanistan and is nervous about any US-Pakistan nuclear talks.
The US will now have to do some fence-mending with India.
However the complex triangular relationship between the US, Pakistan and
India depends for success on the US getting the two enemies to talk turkey about
their conflicts.
It also depends on getting the Pakistani army to undertake a real rather
than an imagined strategic U-turn, because backing extremists of any hue to
carry out foreign policy goals is no longer internationally acceptable.
Ahmed
Rashid is the author of the best-selling book Taliban and, most recently, of
Descent into Chaos: How the war against Islamic extremism is being lost in
Pakistan, Afghanistan and Central Asia.
Photograph: cercle diplomatique
H.E.Ambassador Dr.Kurshid Anwar with new
President of the Austro-Pakistan Socety Mrs.Claudia Wachtel
and former President Dr.Friedrich Posch
Dr.Khurshid
Anwar - new Ambassador of Pakistan in Vienna
H.E. Dr.Khurshid
Anwar,until recently Secretary General of ECO with headquarters in Teheran, has
presented his credentials as new Ambassador of Pakistan to Austria an November
18, 2009.
The Austro-Pakistan
Society extends its warm welcome!
Elections for a new Board were held
during a General Assembly on
November 4,2009.
Here are the results:

President:
Mag.Claudia WACHTEL
Vice Presidents: DI Reinhart SAMHABER
Mag.Afsar RATHOR
Treasurer
Dr.Sabine
KRAUTSCHNEIDER
Secetary
Doris
LUSER-CHOUKER
Additional Member:
Mag.Hedwig
MILLIAN
Snapshots
from the General Assembly:
The
Palestinian singer and composer
Marwan
Abado with the Out
(oriental lute)
Attentive audience...

Farewell for the outgoing Board...
by
Julie
McCarthy
July
14, 2009
Morning
Edition
[4 min
11 sec]

Returning
To Swat Valley

Enlarge
Junaid Khan for NPR
Children were among the 2 million people displaced by the Pakistan army's
offensive against the Taliban in Swat Valley. These young residents of Jalozai
camp crowd onto buses carrying their families for the trip home.

Junaid Khan for NPR
Children
were among the 2 million people displaced by the Pakistan army's offensive
against the Taliban in Swat Valley. These young residents of Jalozai camp crowd
onto buses carrying their families for the trip home.

Enlarge
Junaid Khan for NPR
A month's ration of food is distributed to every family in the Jalozai
camp as they journey back to Swat Valley this week.

Junaid Khan for NPR
A
month's ration of food is distributed to every family in the Jalozai camp as
they journey back to Swat Valley this week.
text
sizeAAA
July 14, 2009
In Pakistan, the journey back home for hundreds of thousands of families
who fled the army offensive against the Taliban has begun. In the first phase of
the government's repatriation plan, only a fraction of the 2 million people
displaced by the fighting in the Swat Valley and surrounding districts made the
trip Monday.
In the early morning heat and dust of the Jalozai refugee camp, buses
lined up to take the first group of 149 families back home. They were a trickle
of the 4,000 families at the camp, most from the mountain- and stream-filled
valley.
Nothing prepared them for this camp on a flat, baked spot of
100-plus-degree temperatures, a four-hour drive south of the Swat Valley.
Overcome at the prospect of returning home, tears streaked the face of one woman.
She told a reporter that modesty dictates that she be known simply as the sister
of Shaukat Ali, her displaced brother.
"We are very happy to be going back," she said, her face
expressing a mixture of grief and relief. "I have not spent a single
contented day here. May God have mercy on these camp dwellers and guide them
home. Life here is nothing but helplessness."
A
Necessary Misery
The exodus from the Swat Valley was one of the biggest displacements of
people in recent times. Millions fled their homes as government troops took on
the Taliban in an offensive launched in late April. The turmoil laid bare
government ineptitude.
But the army says its offensive has dislodged the Taliban. For all the
misery it caused, Swat Valley returnee Juma Gul says the fighting was worth it.
"It was necessary because these terrorists weren't going to leave
without a fight," he said. "They were on the march, slitting throats
and beheading people. They were terrorizing the population, so the army had to
come in to remove them."
But none of the Taliban's top leadership has been captured or killed in
the offensive that the military says is in the mop-up stage.
Some Returnees Doubtful
As Burkht Sultan, a widow, prepared to board the bus back to Swat with
her nine children, she said she is not convinced that the army has eliminated
the militants. She is fatalistic.
"We have resigned ourselves to death in returning home. Whether we
live or die, we have no other option," she said.
Sultan adjusted her white headscarf and noted with skepticism that
returnees were given their food packages and fans this day only because
government officials had come to visit. Under tight security, police frisked
people boarding the buses and helicopters buzzed overhead.
But not everyone has been given their allotted food, or the promised cash
assistance of 25,000 rupees, about $300. Without it, people are holding out.
A young bearded man named Anwar Ali sorted through them.
"You're not going if don't get anything, right? So, you are refusing?"
he said to one man.
Ali sounded abrupt but passed no judgment on those who declined to return
home without some cash. Residents are returning to a ravaged economy in Swat.
Akhtar Mohammad, 25, is a father of one and a refusenik.
"We can't trust them," he said. "If the government hasn't
given us the resources here where the situation is normal, how can I expect them
to give it to us in the middle of that confusion back home?"
Bittersweet
Homecoming
Ashad Hussein recently visited his home in Swat to scout whether he could
go back permanently. He will, but his trip provided a glimpse into the
precarious security back home.
"The other day, the army was telling the police not to flee and to
help normalize the situation," he said.
Fears of a security vacuum also have many adopting a wait-and-see
attitude. For those who do go back, the homecoming is bittersweet.
While smiling children wave from the buses, their parents sit subdued.
Two months in a sweltering camp contending with their upended lives has taken
its toll. And the days ahead back home in Swat Valley are filled with
uncertainty.
Junaid
Kahn contributed to this report from Camp Jalozai.
-
-
The
President of Pakistan confers "Sitara-i-Quaid-i-Azam" upon
the President of the Austrian-Pakistan Society,Dr.Friedrich Posch
The President of
Pakistan has conferred the high Pakistan civil award "Sitara-i-Quaid-i-Azam"
upon the President of the Austro-Pakistan Society, Dr.Friedrich Posch.The
investment ceremony took place in the residence of the Pakistan
Embassy in Vienna and was attended by prominent members of the Pakistan
community and members of the Austro-Pakistan Society.Ambassador Shahbaz and
the President of the Umbrella Society of Austro-Foreign Friendship
Societies, DDr.Claus Walter spoke words of appreciation for the work
of Dr.Posch during ten years of tenure of his office.Dr.Posch,who has
recently resigned from his office, has expressed his hope and trust that the
work of the Austro-Pakistan Society will be successfully contiued under a
new leadership.

Ambassador Shahbaz during his
appreciation speech


DDr-Claus Walter during his speech

Mrs.Maresch,Secretary General of the
Austro-Pakistan Society with Mrs.Schober Mrs.Rathor and
another Pakistan lady
A
CALL BY ARDESHIR COWASJEE,COLUMNIST OF "DAWN"
Date:
Sun, 26 Apr 2009 23:20:52 +0500
Dear All
Sorry for the mass email, but I think the time has come for us silent
majority to speak up about what is happening here in Pakistan. We have no
time to lose, every day we are losing more of our territory to those who do
not believe in the sovereignty of Pakistan, and they are not going to stop
in their war for power...please don't forget, this war is not about religion
but it is all about power. Never confuse the two.
A group of us concerned citizens has come up with a plan which we hope will
mobilise people and put all state institutions into action, which is what we
desperately need. Attached is a letter written by a lawyer friend of ours.
For
those of us in Pakistan, the plan is that everyone forwards this letter and
plan to as many like minded individuals as they can. We then gather together
at our respective GPO (General Post Office. We need to be in thousands. We
get TV stations to film us all posting the letter. We also get people in as
many cities to do the same at a set date and time.
For those of you who are not in Pakistan, if you want to be able to visit
and bring your children to your homeland in the future, then you have to
help us - otherwise, this country will not be a place that you can visit.
The idea is that you print off and circulate this letter to as many
Pakistanis as you know in any country of the world, and get them to also
circulate and print this and send to the Pakistani High Commission/Embassy
in your respective countries. If we can all do this on the same day
that would be the best thing.
We
propose Tuesday, 28th April 2009 as the date to send this letter. We have no
time to waste.
Please
circulate this to AS MANY PEOPLE AS YOU KNOW
We
need to lobby Government to do their job and enforce the writ of the State
all over the country, not just in certain cities, and we need Government to
kick the Army into action and get them to do their job which is to protect
the sovereignty of Pakistan and protect the citizens of its country. Lastly,
we need the Courts to protect fundamental human rights across the country in
all provinces.
If
you love Pakistan, and you want it to remain as the beautiful country that
it is, then we need to put aside our differences and work together to bring
peace and prosperity to all our citizens. This is not about being Punjabi,
Pakhtun, Balochi, Sindhi, Mohajjir etc, this is about being Pakistani and
protecting Pakistan. We are Pakistanis first and foremost, and this country
should be run for the good of the Pakistanis as a whole. We need to stop
this extremism which will only bring bloodshed and take us back 100 years at
least - look at Afghanistan, it is still not able to progress even now.
Pakistan has so much potential - we all need to value that and ensure that
this country has the chance to progress.
Thank
you for your time
Concerned Citizens
Are
Mumbai attacks a chance for peace?
Guest
columnist Ahmed Rashid in Lahore argues that rising tension between
India and Pakistan over the Mumbai attacks might provide the two countries
with an opportunity to extract a more lasting peace.
If Lashkar-e-Toiba is
indeed responsible for the attacks - as Indian authorities claim and
Pakistan denies - it will be the second time that the group has
single-handedly put the two countries on a war footing. In 2002 each
mobilised one million men for nearly a year after Lashkar attacked the
Indian parliament.
The attacks have led
to rising public anger in India against Pakistan and right wing Pakistani
jingoism against India, in which some have even called on the moderate
President Asif Ali Zardari to go to war.
When the Pakistan army
finally stopped allowing Pakistan-based militant groups from infiltrating
into Indian-administered Kashmir in 2004, groups like Lashkar,
Jaish-e-Mohammed and Harkat-ul Mujheddin splintered and fragmented.
Besieged
Some militants went
home, others got jobs or stayed in camps in the mountains.
However the youngest
and most radicalised fighters joined up with al-Qaeda and the Pakistani and
Afghan Taleban in the mountains of Pakistan's tribal areas on the border
with Afghanistan.
They embraced the
global jihad to fight US troops in Afghanistan and Iraq and later attacked
the Pakistan government and army as the Pakistani Taleban developed their
own political agenda to seize power.
The group that
attacked Mumbai may well include some Pakistanis, but it is more likely to
be an international terrorist force put together by al-Qaeda and the
Pakistani Taleban, who are besieged by the Pakistan army on one side and a
rain of missiles being launched by US forces in Afghanistan against their
hideouts on the other.
Al-Qaeda is looking
for some relief and a diversion.
What better way to do
so than by provoking the two old enemies - India and Pakistan - with a
terrorist attack that diverts attention away from the tribal areas?
Such a move would
force Pakistani troops back to the Indian border while simultaneously
pre-occupying US and Nato countries in hectic diplomacy to prevent the
region exploding.
A diversion such as
this would preserve extremist sanctuaries along the Pakistan-Afghanistan
border and would provide militants with a much needed respite - especially
considering that in the next few months President-elect Barak Obama is due
to send an additional 20,000 US troops to Afghanistan, backed by more Nato
troops.
Unfounded
This strategic
diversion ploy for the sake of al-Qaeda and its surrogates is the principle
motive behind the Mumbai terrorist attacks.
It worked well in 2002
when the Pakistan army moved away from the Afghan border to meet the Indian
mobilisation, thereby allowing al-Qaeda and the Afghan Taleban to escape
from Afghanistan and consolidate their positions in the tribal areas.
If the two countries
now mobilise their forces against one another they will be walking straight
into the trap laid for them by al-Qaeda.
Charges that the
Pakistan government, army or its Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) were
behind the attack appear unfounded.
Pakistan can hardly
contemplate a rise in tensions with India when it is beset by a monumental
economic crisis, insurgencies in Balochistan and in North West Frontier
Province, rising violence in Karachi and one-third of the country out of
control of any constitutional authority.
Certainly Pakistan is
not blameless. The army and its former military ruler President Pervez
Musharraf must be faulted for refusing after 2004 to properly demobilise
Kashmiri militant groups and being so reluctant to deal with the insurgency
in the tribal areas. It was not until August when the army finally began a
sustained offensive there.
And despite
Musharraf's own peace overtures to India after 2004, the army itself has
been slow to make the strategic shift from seeing India as the primary
threat. It has taken time to understand that local extremists now pose a far
greater danger.
As the militants
working under the umbrella of al-Qaeda have targeted the army in the
mountains and in its cantonments, the army has retaliated but it has been
slow and late in doing so.
If India and Pakistan
can understand that they are both victims of a strategic diversion by
al-Qaeda and if international mediation can help deepen that understanding,
then there is perhaps a greater opportunity for the two countries to address
the conflicts that have bedevilled their relationship for 60 years - Kashmir
and other lesser issues.
It will certainly be
difficult for the two countries to walk away from the brink. India has a
weak government whose counter-terrorism policies have been a failure and
which faces an election in the next six months. The Indian public and media
are demanding revenge - not co-operation with Islamabad.
Pakistan also has a
weak government that is still trying to set parameters of co-operation with
an army which dominates foreign and strategic policy and controls the ISI,
the most powerful political entity in the country.
Pakistan's other
problems could well overwhelm the government - a troops mobilisation is the
last thing it needs.
To turn the
possibility of war into the possibility of peace, the leadership of both
countries need to show statesmanship, determination and authority even if
they have to defy the public mood in their respective countries to do so.
Ahmed Rashid is the
author of the recently published Descent into Chaos: How the war against
Islamic extremism is being lost in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Central Asia.